A Glider Pilot's Story - continued (26)

CHAPTER 26

Sure enough, before long the German staff, with the exception of a small number left to man the towers, could be seen marching along the outside of the wire. Those left behind were quickly removed and the field force was armed with an odd assortment of rifles, bayonets ands ammunition. The field force was commanded by Lt. Col. W.H.D. McCardie.

Our immediate task was to take up positions some distance outside the camp and then to patrol these areas. We were not expected to tackle any powerful German forces but to give protection against smaller isolated units. The situation was rather a legal one; as a large prison camp we were protected personnel under the Geneva Convention but in the absence of our captors we had lost this protection and were once again operational.

The field force amounted to a total of some three hundred armed men organised in sections of eight. Some of these were sent in the direction of the airfield which had also been evacuated. My own section went about two miles south east of the camp and adopted an area around a farmhouse. The German occupants of this farm included an ex-serviceman who had lost a leg. There was very little hostility shown towards us. Much more obvious was fear for their future particularly at the hands of the advancing Russians. I understood that other small groups and individuals were directed both east and west with the idea of making contact with the allies.

This contact was made with units of the Ninth Army and information was sent to the Commanders of the 12th Army Group, 9th Air Force, and XVIII Corps(ABN). The message ran as follows:-

"Stalag Luft One located at Barth (P2553) overrun by Russians 30 April contains approximately 7500 US Air Corps Officers, 400 US EM, 500 RAF Officers, 150 British Inf EM. 50 Polish, French, Czechs and miscellaneous did not stand fast. Portable water supply ended 1 May. Water after 1 May being hauled 3 miles by horse drawn teams. Last regular Red Cross parcel issue 1 per man made on 30 April. An emergency issue made on 2 May. Approximately 22,500 Red Cross parcels on hand being held by the Russians. General state of heath good. Commander of prisoners of war is Col. Hubert Zemke, Air Corps. Stand fast orders being obeyed. Radio receivers operate. Good reception on commercial band, especially BBC broadcasts. Nearest airfield located 2 miles south of camp. Col. Zemke requests air evacuation. Above information received verbally from ex-PW Capt. John F. Bell, 03892828, HQ 9th Air Force. XVIII ABN reports that Marshall Rokossovsky will allow no negotiations except between himself and Field Marshall Montgomery. G-4 section this HQ, states it is impractical to run a truck shuttle from Barth to Hildesheim, due to travel distance involved, shortage of available trucks, and due to physical discomforts for EX-PWS to be evacuated. Request that either air evacuation be arranged from Barth direct to Le Havre with processing to be done at Le Havre or that evacuation be arranged by sea. GNMDA."

This signal itself indicates some of the happenings of these memorable days. The Russians had arrived and continued on their way. A couple of days later the Germans capitulated. The camp organisation was administered under the command of Col. Zemke and was given a new title:- Headquarters, Provisional Wing X, USAAF, Stalag Luft l (Barth) Germany.

Within this organisation there was also a Provisional group RAF with the Senior British Officer, Group Captain Weir in command. In the two weeks that followed, regular bulletins of information and instructions were issued. These covered a wide spectrum dealing with such things as food, water; the preparations of nominal rolls for evacuation; roll calls and parades; policy of friendliness and co-operation with the Russians; boating and fishing privileges; and the maintenance of discipline and obedience to orders.

It can be well imagined that the response of some prisoners to a long awaited liberation was to let off considerable steam. Hidden supplies of "Kriegy Brew" (alcoholic concoctions) were broken out and quite a few individuals were to be seen in a state of hilarious intoxication.

Quite a few just took off, either being unwilling or lacking the patience to wait, for the complexities of the official evacuation to be negotiated. I don't know how many of these there were but they must have been only a tiny minority of the approximate total of some 9000. For many of course it was important to have tasted the joy of freedom by leaving the camp. In some cases this led to difficulties with the Russians.

My impression of the Russians in the first few days was as follows. The first troops had a job to do as forward units and continued their advance in pursuit of the German forces. It seemed as though they were followed by small numbers of troops who, following in the wake of these advance units, carried out an almost deliberate policy of striking terror into the local population by pillage, rape and the unnecessary use of small arms.

It was as if to say, "This is what happens before you break any of the rules of occupation. What do you think will happen if you do ?" This was only for a very short period after which the occupation troops moved in bringing with them law and order. I believe one item in the first official proclamation read:- "The language of the occupying power is Russian!" For some members of the Field Force the arrival of the Russians signalled our return to the camp. Here we set up a series of piquet posts around the outside of the perimeter. These were manned by equal numbers of Russian and Field Force troops. We shared our time on duty and our mutual tasks were to discourage the inmates from going on the rampage and to exclude outsiders.

Meanwhile for Col. Zemke and his staff, there were many other problems to be solved before the evacuation could take place. Initially of course these were concerned with obtaining Russian assistance for the maintenance of supplies of food and water. Besides this there was the need for diplomatic co-operation which would lead to a smooth and total evacuation to the west with the minimum delay and the maximum comfort and efficiency.

On the 3rd May, Col. Zemke had a long and cordial meeting with the Russian Colonel commanding the Barth area. The Russian first asked the Americans to help by providing medical staffs and assistance for the smaller prison camps in the area, in particular for two French camps of 100 and 200 men.

One of these was at the airfield. This led to further discussion about the airfield and it was agreed that the Americans would undertake to clear the airfield of mines if the Russians would provide detectors. Col. Zemke emphasised that he had standing by a team of experts who could undertake all the necessary preparations for an evacuation by air for which the whole movement schedule was already planned.

There followed discussions over the details of appointing liaison officers. It was agreed that Col. Zemke would be given written authority for the requisitioning of ten horses and carts and whatever else he judged necessary. This would prevent the recurrence of an earlier problem when the Russians had confiscated what had been requisitioned. Col. Zemke also expressed concern about the exclusion of German refugees and the containment of the ex-prisoners. He referred to a difficulty which had arisen the previous day when a Russian had arrived at the camp and insisted on the opening of all the gates with the result that 116 men were missing. The Russian colonel suggested that separate or isolated Russians wishing to come into the camp should be taken into custody by an armed guard and brought in front of him. Col. Zemke pointed out that it was Russian territory and he did not wish to give orders to Russian soldiers. Special orders were promised to cover similar situations and proclamations would be posted on the camp gates. This meeting closed with an agreement that British and American members of Stalag Luft One would arrange the change of camp time to Moscow time which is one hour ahead of GMT Two days later, Col. Zemke sent a telegram to General Carl Spaatz, Commanding General, USAAF, London, England in which he reported:-

1. I am commanding over 9000 American and British flyers at Barth, Germany. We have cleared the Barth airdrome of all mines and bombs for air transport of our men to England. The airdrome is very large and in excellent condition (5000 foot runway). Flying control is set up in operations. No gasoline here.
2. We have no need for a thing. The Russian troops are furnishing us with everything. There is perfect liaison between all Russian, American, and British forces. We are deeply indebted to the Russians not only for freeing us but for the assistance they are affording us.
3. Reply is desired on any plan of evacuation.

Respectfully,

Hubert Zemke, Colonel, US Air Corp, Commanding.

Also on the 5th May, Colonel Zemke despatched a letter to Marshall Rokossovsky informing him of the present condition of Americans and British and naming the Russians to whom thanks were due. These were Colonel Zohonovitch and his staff who were the first units to contact and free the camp. He expressed thanks to Major General Borrisof and his staff for continued co-operation and supplying our needs, mentioning the liaison officer Captain Samoshenko who was the bearer of the letter and who had noted immediate needs not locally available. He stated as his main wish the early movement by air to England of all Americans and English. He emphasised the suitability of the airdrome at Barth and the availability of expert personnel to organise and control the departure. The letter concluded with:-

4. May I express my appreciation for the many things given to us by your Russian Officers and soldiers.
5. My men thank you for their freedom. They will never forget their liberation.

A bulletin issued the following day informed all inmates that General Borrisof had indicated that he had the combined duties of arranging the speedy evacuation of the Americans and British and to keep them supplied in the meantime. This bulletin also announced Colonel Zemke's authority to command the camp and the need for military discipline and patience. Only authorised personnel with passes would be allowed to leave the camp and ex-PWs found outside the camp were being rounded up and placed in the nearest camp to their capture where they might only receive low priority for repatriation by the Soviet Forces.

Before the embargo referred to above, being outside the perimeter of the camp, I had been able to do some local exploring in the surrounding district. The French camp was close by the airfield but on the airfield itself was a small concentration camp. It had been housed in permanent brick built accommodation such as might be found on a permanent R.A.F. base. The buildings were surrounded by barbed wire. The inmates had been evacuated but the deserted buildings bore evidence of the squalor in which they had been held. There were large numbers of files scattered about and reference to these indicated that many of the inmates had been transferred from other camps whose names were better known. Most striking to me were the corridors which led to the wash rooms and toilets. There was ample evidence to indicate the total inadequacy of the amenities for the number of prisoners being held. Due to this and their deplorable physical condition many inmates had been unable to control their bowels and had defecated on route.

A report, addressed to all personnel dated 10th May and signed by 2nd Lt. E.D. McKenna, Public Relations Officer, gave details of the first free German meeting held in the town square on the previous day. The meeting had been addressed by the new Burgomeister, Herr Lemke and also by the Russian commander who spoke through an interpreter. Seated on the platform was the former Luftwaffe Hauptman Muller, one time German intelligence officer at Stalag-Luft One. Herr Lemke appealed for people to co-operate with the new administration so that an orderly civilised existence could be resumed and that if everyone did their duty, the disgrace of Nazism might be removed with the rise of a new free nation.

The Russian commander spoke of the fact that the Germans had been unable to destroy the Russian forces as they had hoped thanks to the wholehearted defence of the homeland by the entire population of Russia. He went on to deny the German propaganda that the Russians wished to destroy the German people - Stalin had promised that only the militarians would be dealt with. "The German People, as a people, and as a nation shall live on, but Nazism shall die." This statement was greeted with cheers by the audience of several thousand many of whom were Pomeranian refugees who had fled before the Russian advance.

The new orders of the Russian garrison were read by a Barth "carpenter-meister". No weapons allowed, curfew between 11 p.m. and 5 a.m., no allied soldier to be billeted with a German family without an official order from the Russian commandant. Everyone had the duty to ensure that young women were kept indoors during the evening hours. Apparently German girls "had been calling to soldiers from second storey windows, asking for cigarettes and chocolate, inviting them into their homes, and then complaining of the consequences." He then referred to the disgrace which had come to their city with the discovery of the concentration camp in their vicinity and the exposure of the frightful conditions there. The culprit responsible were known and would be hunted down. They would be forced to clean up the filth they had created and to work for the rehabilitation of their victims.

He referred to the destructive results for Germany of the Nazi regime and pointed out that when Hauptman Muller had offered the surrender of Barth, young SS men had disobeyed the orders of their superior officers and attempted to incite the population to offer resistance to the Russians. "You know what that would have meant. Hitler and his Goebbels would have been the death of all of us had they continued in power a little longer." After speaking of the disgrace brought by the treatment in the German Press in the obituary of the "great American President Roosevelt" he exhorted everyone to work not for war and destruction but for the essentials necessary for human life.

One of the highlights in the period while we were waiting for the return to England was a visit to the camp by a Red Army show. This arrived in a convoy of lorries early in the morning. An open air platform was erected in the compound and pictorial posters showing aspects of life in the Soviet Union were displayed on the sides of the huts. For several hours there followed a continuous performance of singing, dancing, orchestral music, drama, and oratorical declamation. This non-stop spectacular was attended by an ever changing audience (no longer captive) of thousands who cheered enthusiastically at the conclusion of each new offering. At the end of the day after all their belongings had once more been packed, the performing company departed in the manner in which they had arrived.

On the 9th of May, Allied Headquarters sent the following message over the BBC :-

"Orders to Stalag Luft One, Barth on Baltic, twenty five miles from Stralsund from the Supreme Headquarters. The inhabitants of Stalag Luft One are to obey the orders of the Senior Allied Officer and are not to go off on their own." This message was contained in Bulletin 43, dated 9th May. At 4.30 p.m. on the 11th May, Colonel Zemke received a letter from the S.B.O. Group Captain Weir who was at Hagenau arranging for the final evacuation. He gave the official news that the evacuation would be able to start as soon as he had completed plans and arrangements at Wismar and then cleared the routes through General Batow's headquarters at Tribses. After this had been completed Group Captain Weir would be returning to Barth.

Things then proceeded rapidly. Bulletin 45, published the same day, gave details of the proposed plan for evacuation by air. Bulletin 46, dated 12th May, gave the official news that our evacuation by air was scheduled to begin that day:- "ten (10) motor vehicles will arrive at the camp this morning; C-47s and B-17s are expected to arrive at the aerodrome this afternoon." As announced in the bulletin, the aircraft and departed with the first evacuees, the sick and the wounded. Early the next morning (13th) the lorries began shuttling loads of ex-kriegies to the airfield and every hour some dozen or so Fortresses arrived and departed with their excited passengers. This continued throughout the day and by sunset all had departed with the exception of the Wing HQ and the Field Force.

On the morning of the 14th, Phil and I left the camp for the airfield. At about 10.30 a.m. we took off in B-17 (Flying Fortress) 338997 flown by Lt. Orson and his crew who were taking part in Operation Revival. The flight took us over the devastated city of Hamburg, over Northern Holland and across the North Sea, making landfall on the Norfolk coast near Norwich. On route we flew over central London and then towards the Sussex coast before landing at Ford.

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